10 SHOCKING Colorado Secrets They Don't Teach in School
Rocky Flats manufactured plutonium triggers for nuclear weapons 16 miles from downtown Denver for 37 years — most residents had no idea
Ordered the 1864 Sand Creek Massacre of Cheyenne and Arapaho
Appears in 1 documentary
John Milton Chivington arrived in the Colorado Territory in 1860 as a Methodist preacher with a reputation for fiery sermons and physical intimidation. Standing over six feet tall and weighing more than 200 pounds, he cut an imposing figure in the pulpit. Within four years, he would become one of the most controversial military figures in American history — a man whose single morning of violence continues to define debates about frontier justice, military accountability, and the treatment of Indigenous peoples.
Chivington was born on January 27, 1821, in Lebanon, Ohio. He came of age in the evangelical ferment of antebellum America and was ordained as a Methodist Episcopal minister in 1844. When the Civil War broke out, he declined a chaplaincy and requested a “fighting commission” instead. The decision proved consequential. At the Battle of Glorieta Pass in New Mexico on March 26-28, 1862, Chivington led a flanking maneuver that destroyed Confederate supply wagons and effectively ended the South’s ambitions to capture the Southwest. He returned to Colorado a celebrated hero.
That reputation made what followed all the more shocking — and, for his supporters, all the more defensible. Colorado in 1864 was a territory under pressure: settlers pushing west, gold rush communities demanding security, and a federal government distracted by the Civil War. Anti-Indian sentiment ran hot in Denver newspapers. Chivington, now a colonel commanding the Colorado militia and eyeing a political future, was positioned to act on it.
At dawn on November 29, 1864, Chivington led approximately 700 soldiers of the Colorado Third Cavalry to Sand Creek, a dry riverbed in southeastern Colorado where a band of Cheyenne and Arapaho had camped under what they believed was the protection of the U.S. government. Chief Black Kettle had met with military officials weeks earlier and was flying an American flag — and a white flag — above his lodge when the attack began.
What followed lasted several hours. Soldiers killed and mutilated an estimated 150 to 200 people, the majority of them women, children, and elderly. Soldiers returned to Denver with scalps and other body parts, displaying them at a local theater to public applause.
Chivington defended the massacre before Congress, calling the dead “hostile Indians” and describing the engagement as a legitimate military operation. Two separate congressional investigations and an Army inquiry concluded otherwise. Witnesses testified to the deliberate killing of noncombatants under a flag of truce. The investigations condemned the attack in stark terms, but Chivington had already mustered out of the Army, placing him beyond the reach of court-martial. He was never criminally charged.
Chivington spent his later years drifting — Nebraska, California, back to Ohio — working as a newspaper editor, a deputy sheriff, and an advocate for his own historical rehabilitation. He died in Denver on October 4, 1894, still insisting he had done nothing wrong.
The history he helped set in motion did not stay quiet. Sand Creek became a template for subsequent military campaigns against Native peoples — a demonstration that massacres could be carried out, investigated, and ultimately go unpunished. Scholars point to it as a direct antecedent to later atrocities, including Wounded Knee in 1890.
In 2000, Congress established the Sand Creek Massacre National Historic Site in Kiowa County, Colorado. The site was formally designated in 2007. Descendants of the Cheyenne and Arapaho who were killed there continue to seek acknowledgment and reparations from the state of Colorado.
Chivington matters not because he was uniquely monstrous, but because he was not. He was a decorated officer, a community leader, and a product of a society that had decided certain lives were expendable in the service of expansion. His story forces a reckoning with the systems that produced him — and with how long those systems took to face any accounting at all.
Brown's landmark work places Sand Creek — and Chivington's role in it — within the full arc of U.S. military campaigns against Native peoples. Essential context for understanding why the massacre was not an aberration.
The most thorough historical reconstruction of the events of November 29, 1864, examining Chivington's decisions before, during, and after the attack and the investigations that followed.
A narrative account drawn from congressional testimony that puts Chivington and his officers directly in the dock, reconstructing the massacre through the words of those who witnessed it.
Rocky Flats manufactured plutonium triggers for nuclear weapons 16 miles from downtown Denver for 37 years — most residents had no idea